A Feast of the Forgotten: What Dalit Food Tells us about India's Unacknowledged Palate
The celebration of India’s culinary diversity has often overlooked the Dalit plate. Author Shahu Patole tells us why.
Until the rise of Dalit literature in the 1970s, nowhere did the lower castes and classes find representation; be it in mythology or classical Sanskrit literature, bakhari (historical documents in Marathi), the literature of the saints or any such works. References of Maratha, Bahujan, Dalit and other nomadic, backward communities are found only as reproachful representations of the paradigms of their caste and food customs. Dalit literature was the first to take notice of, document and bring the life of commoners to the forefront. A significant yet largely unknown section of society, along with its culture, architecture, art and food customs, was thus introduced to the world. The grim reality of Dalit society painted in its literature was unsettling and scandalous to the uninitiated. Portrayals of daily life and food descriptions in this literature were yet another harsh culture shock for the world.
There was, however, no research-based in-depth writing on the food practices and food culture of the Dalits mentioned in Dalit literature. One can understand why the elite or non-Dalits never undertook such a study but even Dalit writers have not written about their food culture in any noteworthy detail. Non-Dalit readers had never heard of the dishes mentioned in Dalit autobiographies. As food was typically just a passing reference in these writings, detailed recipes or any significant information about those dishes was never provided by the Dalit writers.
Even food enthusiasts and connoisseurs did not show any interest towards those dishes. The fact that non-vegetarian food is predominant in Dalit literature might be the reason behind this indifference. The non-Dalits from Hindu, Jain, Buddhist and other communities did not approve of such a diet. Moreover, people with such food habits were socially condemned. This may be one reason behind the apathy. Or, for those who were vaguely aware of the type of meat the Dalits ate, it must have been...
Until the rise of Dalit literature in the 1970s, nowhere did the lower castes and classes find representation; be it in mythology or classical Sanskrit literature, bakhari (historical documents in Marathi), the literature of the saints or any such works. References of Maratha, Bahujan, Dalit and other nomadic, backward communities are found only as reproachful representations of the paradigms of their caste and food customs. Dalit literature was the first to take notice of, document and bring the life of commoners to the forefront. A significant yet largely unknown section of society, along with its culture, architecture, art and food customs, was thus introduced to the world. The grim reality of Dalit society painted in its literature was unsettling and scandalous to the uninitiated. Portrayals of daily life and food descriptions in this literature were yet another harsh culture shock for the world.
There was, however, no research-based in-depth writing on the food practices and food culture of the Dalits mentioned in Dalit literature. One can understand why the elite or non-Dalits never undertook such a study but even Dalit writers have not written about their food culture in any noteworthy detail. Non-Dalit readers had never heard of the dishes mentioned in Dalit autobiographies. As food was typically just a passing reference in these writings, detailed recipes or any significant information about those dishes was never provided by the Dalit writers.
Even food enthusiasts and connoisseurs did not show any interest towards those dishes. The fact that non-vegetarian food is predominant in Dalit literature might be the reason behind this indifference. The non-Dalits from Hindu, Jain, Buddhist and other communities did not approve of such a diet. Moreover, people with such food habits were socially condemned. This may be one reason behind the apathy. Or, for those who were vaguely aware of the type of meat the Dalits ate, it must have been enough to quench their curiosity as it was broadly corroborated by Dalit literature in writing. Whatever be the reasons, it is well-established that Dalit food was not a desired topic of discourse.
The ‘who eats what’ charade
In all societies and cultures of Maharashtra, and indeed India, undue importance was given to what people ate rather than their social conduct. An individual’s eating practices played a vital role in determining their social status—governed by what they ate and what their ancestors ate. Even today, there is no significant difference in this. Food culture seems to be firmly aligned along caste and class divides. The origin and development of food culture according to the caste system and its fallacies is clearly evident. In Hinduism, the class system, caste system and food culture are the ‘three sides’ of the same coin.
The group at the top of the Indian social hierarchy are forceful advocates of vegetarianism. The pride and arrogance of that class is visible far and wide even today. This perhaps drives Dalit writers, thinkers, critics, leaders, servants, commoners, middle classes, lower classes, literates, illiterates and the underprivileged to constantly live with a sense of shame and guilt about their food. Dalits, who occupy a vital and robust position in all spheres of society in today’s Maharashtra, get uncomfortable about the topics of food habits and culture.
Dalit people who regularly and authoritatively examine culture, history, the caste system and social movements feel guilty, ashamed, scared and confused when their food customs and culture are discussed. ‘We don’t eat anything like that’—a phrase often heard in social conversations, spoken with an intent to sound casual.
In the last few years, it has become more common for people to visit the homes of their Dalit friends for meals. Dalits make sure to buy mutton or chicken and prepare the dishes as if that’s their regular way. This causes the friends to be pleased at the ‘improved’ food habits, dispelling their long-persisting doubts and paving the way for their ‘trust’ and ‘affection’ to grow.
Why did beef and pork become part of the diet of only these communities?
As per Vedic tradition, cows and bullocks are important animals. On the occasions of yagnas, goats, sheep, horses, bullocks, oxen, infertile cows and some kinds of birds were used as sacrifice. But buffaloes and pigs are not mentioned in this holy sacrifice. In Hinduism, the formerly permitted practice of eating the meat of cows and bullocks gradually turned around to become an extremely anti-religious and socially unacceptable act over time. However, it continued to be a sizeable part of the diet of the Mahar and Mang castes for centuries. It would be interesting to know why it became a taboo for the upper castes and not for these two communities: something that is regarded as unholy, anti-religious, anti-cultural and forbidden for the majority is acceptable for the marginalized in the same religion.
Why didn’t the religious gurus stop them from eating this if it was such a sin? Did the communities stick to this diet by choice or did the system force them to eat it? Perhaps natural calamities, food shortages, droughts, heavy rainfall and dependence of these communities on others for food may have been some of the reasons. However, the key question persists—why should this be the fate of these two castes? They were the cleaning servants of the village. Were they trapped in this cultural and religious net so that they would continue with their tasks without raising their voice? So that they wouldn’t complain and would go on doing the filthy jobs?
It is clear that it was imposed by the varna system, the social stratification system that divided people on the basis of their caste. They were paying for the sins of a past birth. They were living this life for the sake of atonement. Not a single saint or godman came to their rescue to take them out of their supposedly despicable food culture, discouraged them from eating it or provided them with an option of alternative nutritious, simple food. No god assumed any avatar to save them.
Before the Common Era, a powerful wave of Jainism and Buddhism had moved and shaken our subcontinent. They were strong advocates of vegetarianism. Fearing that the Hindu religion would become extinct, the upper classes turned away from non-vegetarian food and did their best to follow the path of vegetarianism. They started inventing many techniques, stories and tricks to convince the ignorant population to turn to vegetarianism. However, due to the basic human instinct to resist anything imposed from above, they have not been successful in converting the entire Hindu population to vegetarianism. The movement to create a vegetarian society is still going on in one way or another.
Introduction of the Dalit Cuisine
The social walls of caste and class were so strong that it was impossible for the upper castes to know about the food culture of the lower castes. As mentioned earlier, food cooked by the lower castes was forbidden to the upper castes. This reality still exists. Due to social reforms, many people from the lower castes got educated and started working for the government and in the private sector. Some of them have climbed up the social ladder. Some have become (mentally) middle class. Even so, from my experience, a visit by an upper-caste person for a meal makes them feel elated and favoured. Even the upper-caste Marathas share the same happiness and gratitude if anyone superior to them in the caste hierarchy visits them for a meal.
As mentioned earlier, the food culture of the upper castes and classes has been labelled and accepted as the food culture of the entire society, region and state. This has been done by scholars, researchers and experts in all eras. Naturally, the food culture of other marginalized social groups has been ignored or ridiculed. As a result, to outsider scholars, the food culture of that particular society or region appears homogeneous. The language of this elite class is also considered the standard language of the entire society. This means superiority assigned to a class is extended to its food and language as well. This results in dominance of the food culture and language of these groups. This has always been the case and is true even today. Only with time will we know if it will continue into the future.
Author Shahu Patole is a distinguished Marathi-language writer and retired government officer, who has a master's in economics and journalism. Excerpted with permissions from Dalit Kitchens of Marathwada, by Shahu Patole, translated from the Marathi by Bhushan Korgaonkar, HarperCollins India. Originally titled Anna He Apoorna Brahma, the book was a landmark publication in Marathi, and the first to document Dalit food history through the culinary practices of two Maharashtrian communities—Mahar and Mang.